Sadly, resistance to contraception access is part of a long historical trend. While this remains constant, I am continually fascinated by the changes in argumentation for and against reproductive justice in this country. Mostly, I have studied these rhetorical shifts in terms of abortion (if you would like a copy of my widely-read BA thesis, address inquiries at the bottom), but there is distinct overlap with the discourse around birth control, as well.
In the case of abortion, the left wing
went through several incarnations of its current argument. In the
1960s and 1970s, it was argued that abortion, along with all other
reproductive health measures, was a part of one's political freedom--
-that without the ability to determine when and under what
circumstances one would have children, one could not exercise their
own self-determination. This changed with Roe v. Wade, which
encased a woman's right to abortion within the Right to Privacy under
the 14th Amendment. In other words, it said that what
people do in homes and doctor's offices is their own g-d business!
Beginning with Roe and
proceeding into the Reagan-era, the left-wing co-opted
neo-liberal discourse, and the fight for “reproductive freedom”
(which evoked a sense of woman's political activity and agency)
became the “right to choose.”
This was a pretty snappy catchphrase.
So snappy, that the right wing quickly developed it's own soundbite:
“the right to life.” What was before a fetus, became the dawn of
human life. Abortion was no longer a procedure; suddenly it was
murder (as a side note, little was said by pro-lifers of a woman's
“right to life,” but it must have been an oversight). The “right
to life” rhetoric was also applied to birth control. The natural
consequence of sex, it was argued, was human life. To prevent human
life from being formed was to stand in the way of mother nature, God,
the universe, etc., etc.
In the early 1990s, many pro-lifers
became increasingly extreme in their protests against abortion
clinics. What started with pictures of aborted fetuses, quickly
evolved into mail-bombs, violence against doctors, and harassment of
women seeking services. Leadership in the pro-life movement realized
this was not exactly a popular public image, and, therefore, switched
its rhetoric once again. Co-opting pro-choice language (noticing a
pattern yet?), the new talking point was women's well-being. The
woman-friendly argument framed abortion as a procedure which mentally
and physically debilitated women for the rest of their lives.
The pro-choice movement also took a
softer approach, along with most women's rights activists who were
suffering from negative public image. Because the idea of “women's
rights” was evoking a scary stereotype of a baby-hating, loveless
femi-nazi, the decision was made to instead promote a woman's
physical well-being as a non-controversial shift. Consequently, the
language of women's rights was
cast aside for that of women's health. The trend
continues today: Arguments surrounding abortion, birth control, and
even domestic violence now are all enveloped in the language of
women's health, rather than reproductive freedom or justice.
On the anti-reproductive-health front,
there is another shift: the argument for freedom of conscience, as
witnessed in the current contraception-mandate frenzy. Women have
again been left out of the equation, as the rights of employers and
companies have come to the forefront.
In spite of the apocalyptic tone the
media is drumming up, I personally feel (from a
pro-reproductive-justice standpoint) that this this shift is a
positive sign. Think of this: the argument is not that women
should not be able to make decisions regarding their bodies, it is
not that employers should not have to provide healthcare, it is not
that we need to look out for the potential of unborn children.
Today, these arguments would never work because they would be too
unpopular-- a fact which shows the enormous progress of women in the
last 20 years! The opposition's rhetorical shift, therefore, shows
an implicit acknowledgement that women have a right to reproductive
self-determination, simply because it does not attack that premise in
its argument against contraception coverage.
There is obviously much still to be
done for reproductive justice. The fact that any argument is made
against providing birth control shows that there are many to whom the
argument appeals, and that the audience is considered politically
relevant.. However, to me, the fact that contraception is garnering
so much public attention seems like a red herring: a politically weak
attempt by certain conservatives to evoke the antiquated “culture
wars” in the hopes of gaining a few votes and distracting the
public eye from more immediate concerns. Hopefully, the public sees
past this ruse and continues to take a stand for women's freedom.
I like your point that the right to women's self-determination not being part of the debate means that it's more accepted. I still have many fears stemming from this controversy, but you have put a positive spin on it.
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